Indo-Pacific Strategic Churn: Challenges and State Responses, edited by Professor Chintamani Mahapatra, is a treasure trove of perspectives on the geostrategy, geopolitics, and geoeconomics of our region, defined by the two oceans – the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean. It is also timely and thought-provoking, inviting reflection and debate. It is a springboard for crafting a broad consensus on the analyses contained herein, for making informed predictions, and, above all, for making recommendations, especially for policymakers in India.
The book comprises an introduction written by Mahapatra and 16 essays contributed by experienced yet young academics from across India.
There are scholars who have studied the vast region that comprises the Indo-Pacific, stretching from Africa through the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and South Asia to Southeast Asia, Japan, and Australia. They bring together knowledge of U.S. foreign policy, the EU’s approach to the Indo-Pacific, Russian and Chinese policy orientations, and developments in the Korean Peninsula.
In oceanic science, the term ‘Indo-Pacific’ has long been used, but its use in geopolitics may have begun only in the first decade of the 21st century. The first international academic conference in India on Indo-Pacific developments was hosted in March 2013 by the Indian Council of World Affairs. It required a special effort to convince the authorities concerned in Delhi before the then External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid agreed to address participants at the concluding session. He projected the concept of the Indo-Pacific as a logical extension of India’s Look East Policy, suggesting that the Indo-Pacific may be viewed as a spatial concept in which the strengths and complementarities of the Indian and Pacific Oceans can be fully leveraged.
From then on, India progressively adopted the concept. Earlier, it was much influenced by Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s articulation of the ‘Confluence of the Two Seas’, as reflected in his address before the Indian Parliament on August 22, 2007.
By the time the new decade of 2020 rolled in, the world had changed. It marked the commencement of the ‘Age of Polycrisis’, encompassing COVID-19, the Russia-Ukraine war, multiple conflicts in West Asia, and other flashpoints around the world. As a result, the prominence assigned to the Indo-Pacific as a concept, vision, policy, and strategy during the previous decade has eroded. Diplomatic and media attention shifted to other regions and other issues.
Among the factors that define the Indo-Pacific today, the strategic rivalry between the U.S. and China stands out remarkably. The relationship between the two largest economies – whether one of competition, cooperation, confrontation, or a fluctuating mix of all three – will shape power dynamics, influencing the prospects for peace, stability, and prosperity in the region.
It is ironic that the Trump administration 1.0, which did so much to confront and counter China’s coercive behaviour in the previous decade, is now followed by the Trump administration 2.0 in this decade, which is showing a clear preference for strategic conciliation with China, as established in the Trump-Xi Jinping meeting on October 30, 2025.
Furthermore, the serious strain in U.S.-India relations, the indefinite postponement of the Quad summit, which was due to take place in November 2025 in Delhi, and the likelihood of President Trump‘s visit to China and President Xi Jinping’s visit to the U.S. – both scheduled for 2026 – have their own story to tell. Even if the prospects of a ‘G2’ are overstated, it is prudent to assess how the Indo-Pacific may look over the next three years if the U.S. and China accommodate each other’s security and economic concerns.
What will be the impact on India and its strategic partners in the Quad and others?
This question assumes special significance for two immediate reasons: the rapprochement between China and India is at a critical stage today, and President Vladimir Putin’s forthcoming visit to India in December 2025 presents an exceptional opportunity to add further substance and momentum to India-Russia relations. How will these two trends impact the power dynamics in the Indo-Pacific and, especially, the trajectory of India-U.S. relations in the next three years of the Trump presidency? That the exigencies of its strategic autonomy will guide New Delhi and the imperative of maintaining strategic resilience in its relations with major power centers, including the EU, UK, Japan, and the Global South, is a given.
The tasks and challenges before South Block are likely to become more complex in the coming years. That is where policymakers are well advised to consult widely and listen to informed voices.
In this context, this Palgrave Macmillan publication, representing the collective wisdom of select academic leaders, has sought to reposition the Indo-Pacific as a focal point, a region India considers vital to its interests and its global standing.
The editor makes it clear that the volume has “no intention to articulate any single Indian view of the Indo-Pacific.’’ As a result, individual authors have presented their own data, analysis, interpretations, and conclusions. That is the strength of this volume – the richness and diversity of views on a vast and complex region, a central theatre of great-power conflicts in the 21st century.
For example, in the chapter on U.S. policy, Monish Tourangbam traces its evolution and points to the region’s “profound geopolitical, geo-economic and technological transition underway” that will create uncertainties. He predicts that U.S. allies, partners, and adversaries are “all bracing to navigate the next four years of the U.S. national security and foreign policies under the Trump Administration.”
In an interesting but difficult-to-compose chapter on the persistent challenges posed by natural disasters, Shreya Upadhyay dissected the exact nature of these challenges, given the borderless nature of disasters, and offers a six-point blueprint for remedial action.
Given the world ‘s terrible experience with COVID-19, the chapter by Shanthesh Kumar Singh and Brijesh Chandra Srivastava on public health security deserves notice. In view of the priority attached to connectivity and technology by a grouping such as the Quad, two chapters on Ports and Emerging technologies are useful.
The essays are of good research quality, with the specific topics chosen thoughtfully. However, the volume ends abruptly. A concluding chapter would have been a helpful addition. Even if the editor wished each contributor to speak for himself or herself, at least a compilation of all the policy recommendations in one place at the end would have enhanced the volume’s value for practitioners and policymakers.
For the academic and think tank community, there is a pressing need to debate and arrive at some consensus on finding answers to the following five questions:
1. Will the Indo-Pacific experience armed conflicts, peace, or ‘a no-peace-no-war situation’ in the foreseeable future?
2. Are flashpoints in the Indo-Pacific – IOR, India-China border, South China and East China Sea, Taiwan, and the Korean Peninsula – likely to flare up, simmer, or cool down in the medium term?
3. How to assess the scope and impact of the escalating arms race in the region?
4. Is the Quad essential for stability in the face of China’s growing aggressiveness? If so, should three nations – India, Japan, and Australia – work towards a Quad 2.0, in case the U.S. eventually withdraws its support?
5. What are the key geo-economic implications of the prevailing power divide in the Indo-Pacific?
This valuable compendium will help in understanding some of the issues and developing some answers. It is an essential spotlight on a subject of immense importance and interest to India. It should trigger a national discussion on the Indo-Pacific.
*Rajiv Bhatia is the Distinguished Fellow for Foreign Policy Studies and a former ambassador.
This book review was exclusively written for Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations.
All rights to the original publication remain with Gateway House. Kalinga Institute of Indo-Pacific Studies reposted this book review for strictly academic and non-commercial purposes.
KIIPS is a premiere think-tank that intends to provide a platform to academics, researchers, scholars and experts from across the country and abroad.