ROUNDTABLE REPORT
on
TRUMP 2.0 AND INDIA-US RELATIONS
By Young Scholars
On January 20, Donald J. Trump, the former 45th President of the United States, was yet again, sworn in as the 47th US President. Speculations, expectations, anxieties and concerns abound among America’s allies, partners and adversaries about the immediate and long-term ramifications of the coming four years of Trump’s second presidential term. Comparatively, India is neither an adversary nor a close ally of the United States, and due to an overriding support to the India-US strategic partnership among both Democrats and Republicans, India’s ties with the US is largely expected to maintain continuity. Nevertheless, the relationship is multifaceted and complex, and hence the implications of Trump 2.0 on some of the major issue areas formed a part of a very invigorating discussion among the research interns of the Kalinga Institute of Indo-Pacific Studies (KIIPS). This compendium is a collection of their views and thoughts on various issues of significance in India-US partnership and what Trump 2.0 might entail. It reflects the perception of young Indian scholars and their opinions on international affairs, especially the evolving US role that affects countries around the world. These views expressed in the short commentaries are entirely of the concerned scholars and do not necessarily reflect the positions of the KIIPS as an institution.
Quad & BRICS
*Shreya Das
With Donald Trump returning to the White House for his second presidential term, expectations are high about what Trump 2.0 would entail for India, which has emerged as one of its closest strategic partners in recent years. Since his first term as president, the more significant focus of Indo-US relations has been on shared security concerns. Trump has been credited for reviving the narrative of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ and the QUAD grouping. India has also proactively maintained its ‘global strategic partnership’ due to the convergence of multi-sectoral interests, and under the former Biden administration, the bilateral scope of defense & technological cooperation further deepened. However, India has also exercised its strategic autonomy to be part of non-Western plurilateral groupings like the BRICS that aim to promote inclusive economic globalization and serve as an alternative to Western financial structures & policies. Both ‘western’ QUAD & ‘non-western’ BRICS have served as cornerstones of India’s foreign policy under the three consecutive terms of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
The rationale for the comparison comes from Trump’s infamously turbulent management of US foreign policy and his caustic reactions to anything that he deems ‘anti-West’ or, more importantly, ‘anti-America.’ BRICS, in particular, has often been dismissed by its Western critics as being an ‘anti-Western’ bloc. Last year, then President-elect Trump threatened to impose 100% tariffs on all nine BRICS states if they attempted to create any currency rivaling the US dollar. Politicians in Brazil & Russia have suggested the ‘de-dollarization’ initiative. However, India’s External Affairs Minister Jaishankar quickly shut down the speculations, asserting that India had “no interest” in weakening the US dollar. Nonetheless, this was not the first time Trump had weaponized tariffs as a coercive tactic, and policymakers remain anxious about Trump’s retaliatory threats of reciprocal tariffs on India due to its high tariffs on selected American imports. In this context, it is difficult to imagine India – despite being one of the founding members of BRICS, championing any initiative perceived as markedly ‘anti-western’ such as the BRICS international payment system (in response to the West-affiliated SWIFT network). While India’s commitment to BRICS can be read as an attempt to strengthen its currency as a long-term goal, Jaishankar's emphasis on a “very solid relationship with the first Trump administration” despite “mostly trade-related issues” signals that India will be unwilling to compromise its bilateral goodwill with Trump’s USA or support BRICS initiatives that will be deemed as antagonistic to America.
Rather, Trump’s second term and Modi’s third term in office have raised considerable hype about the future of QUAD. The meeting of the foreign ministers of the QUAD countries, on the sidelines of Trump’s inauguration will be the first high-profile diplomatic event of the Trump Presidency, implying a continuation of US foreign policy priorities in the region. Both India & USA share mutual interest in countering China’s growing influence in the Indo-Pacific region, despite India consistently downplaying any narrative of QUAD being an ‘anti-China’ alliance. Indian officials will continue to push for collaboration in non-traditional security concerns, such as regional technological innovation and green energy & sustainable growth. Ahead of his visit to Washington, Jaishankar credited Trump for the revival of QUAD. Yet, speaking elsewhere, he cautioned about the US’s departure “from an established tradition of foreign policy and focuses on its own interests, rather than in shaping the world itself.” This reflects India’s cautious approach to the Trump presidency from its onset and any diplomatic logjams that may occur due to the USA’s preference for a security-oriented agenda in contrast to India’s less militarized priorities. However, the elevation of the grouping to a summit level also raises hopes that India will continue to push for issue-based linkages, particularly clean energy supply chains, healthy security, maritime domain awareness, cyber security & critical technology. The unpredictability of Trump’s administration’s attitudes toward regional organizations and coercive tariff threats must be combatted by maintaining a strategic partnership with the USA while ensuring that QUAD does not become a defunct organization due to the incompatibility of the geopolitical priorities of India & USA. The grand narratives of QUAD as a source of ‘stability & prosperity of the region’ must first and foremost be underscored by the pragmatism of issue-based linkages.
India’s engagements in both BRICS and Quad will be affected by Trump’s volatile temperaments toward the non-western world and regional organizations. India must remain steadfast in maintaining a rapport within both groupings to push for initiatives like climate change, global health, science & technology, and operate in a manner where neither BRICS is seen as anti-West nor QUAD operating purely on USA’s priorities in the Indian Ocean region.
Indo-Pacific and Quad
*Archana Paswan
Despite India having cordial ties and close strategic partnership with the United States for a long time, the coming of Trump 2.0 remains highly unpredictable for India as well. Indo -Pacific remains a highly contested geostrategic landscape and forms a very significant pillar of both India’s and US foreign policy. The new Trump administration is going to shake up the economic and regional security architecture in the Indo-Pacific. New Delhi remains an important element of the US's Indo-Pacific strategy vis-à-vis the strategy of countering China in the region. Indo-Pacific was a core focus region during Trump 1.0 and he is credited for formalizing America’s position in the Indo-Pacific and reviving the QUAD. QUAD foreign ministers meeting on the sideline of Trump’s inauguration signals the renewed commitment of the US to the QUAD and the Indo-Pacific region.
Trump’s second term in the White House is likely to focus on military and maritime cooperation along with more military presence and expanded joint military exercises in the region. On the other hand, China’s expanded footprints in the region and its preparedness towards Trump 2.0, and the responses of regional actors like Indonesia, Vietnam and the Philippines will also determine the shifting geopolitics and geo-economics of the Indo-Pacific. Also, given Trump’s transactional and erratic style, there is a great uncertainty regarding the extent to which America’s close allies like Japan, the Philippines and Taiwan can rely on Washington as a security guarantor. The change of governments and the internal political dynamics in the QUAD nations also highlight the challenges faced by QUAD. India, a key partner of United States in countering China, shares a complex relationship with Beijing. Australia, on the other hand, shares strong economic ties with China that complicates its stand within Quad. Japan, too, faces its own security dilemmas, including territorial disputes with China in the East China Sea. There are persistent challenges in the South China Sea, the Taiwan Strait and the Korean peninsula making the geopolitical landscape extremely risky. The QUAD grouping also lacks a formal structure and is still nascent. Therefore, even though the QUAD has been resilient, the question arises as to how it is going to evolve and strengthen under Trump despite these challenges. It will be important to see how the Indo-Pacific construct evolves under Trump 2.0. Will it be a region of cooperation among the great powers or will it become a battlefield for US-China rivalry?
India-US partnership and their multi sectoral cooperation is likely to strengthen and expand not only in Indo-Pacific but also at a global stage. In the domain of Indo-Pacific, both India and US share a common goal of preserving regional stability and maintaining a free, open, inclusive and rules-based Indo-Pacific. A major focus of the Trump 2.0 foreign policy will likely be the China challenge in the Indo-Pacific. Trump 2.0 is expected to be more hawkish towards China than Trump 1.0. There is a possibility of greater military power projection and economic competition along with the technological race to counter China's strategy to dominate the Indo-Pacific.
The US must strengthen its ties with India and build strategic ties with other like-minded countries. More focus and investment are expected in the mini-lateral groupings in the Indo- Pacific under Trump 2.0. Trump might push India to be more proactive in Indo-Pacific, thus reshaping the security architecture of the region. It is going to be engrossing to see how. How the QUAD adapts to America’s first worldview while navigating its own challenges will be an important development for the future of Indo-Pacific and for India-US partnership.
India-US-China
*Adrien Benito
The United States, under Trump, is likely to continue cultivating India as a strategic partner to counter an assertive China. It is mainly security concerns that drive the United States to accelerate decoupling from China, and India is viewed as a key partner in this effort. In this regard, the military cooperation will likely continue and globally ties should improve between the two countries. However, the continuity in India-US partnership may face some disruptions due to Trump's transactional approach and unpredictability. Prominently, trade and economic relations could face challenges. The results of the “America First” policy for India is particularly difficult to predict in the critical technology sector and in defence-related trade.
Launched in 2023, the initiative on Critical and Emerging Technology (iCET), which aims to promote cooperation, information sharing and joint development in the field of new technologies, may be jeopardized by protectionist measures. On the other hand, the shared interests of the two countries in countering China's rise in this area may also push the Trump administration not to be too restrictive in this strategic domain. A degree of uncertainty seems to persist at present. How Trump 2.0 may impact India-China dynamics is a major point of deliberation. First, even if China-India relations seem to have temporarily improved recently, a trust deficit will continue to exist. Boundary tensions are not completely resolved. What will the rise of the Trump-led transactional politics mean for India-China relations?
The expected increase in US tariffs on Chinese products could present certain risks. In response, and to balance the situation, China could dump cheap Chinese products on India, further increasing the trade imbalance. New Delhi could then consider imposing higher tariffs on Chinese products, and economic and diplomatic tensions between the two countries could increase. Another risk is that the Trump administration's hawkish policy towards China could be tempted to push India to adopt a firmer stance towards China. Offending one of the two would not be economically advantageous, nor would it allow India to develop its own vision of the Indo-Pacific.
A major shift between the Trump and the Biden administration is their view on multilateralism. Trump's less ideological and more transactional approach of international relations pushed the withdrawal of the US as the leader of international order that, a phenomenon already in motion. India can, in part, fill in this gap and take a more important place in international institutions. It can provide an opportunity to further develop India’s vision and promote it, especially in the Indo-Pacific. Greater rivalry between China and the US can open a breach for all the actors in the region to affirm their voice and to expand regional cooperation. Therefore, India has a significant role to play in regional and global affairs in the times to come.
Immigration and H1B
*Soulina Dey
With Donald Trump swearing in for his second term as the president of the United States of America, concerns have been raised about the eminent changes in immigration policies. Aligned with previous policies and actions plus his election campaign, his team has been finalizing an aggressive line of immigration executive orders. Stephen Miller, the incoming Homeland Security adviser, said, “You cannot be a safe or secure country until the border is protected and defended”. The future of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program remains uncertain due to pending litigation after Trump’s attempt to end the program during his previous term. Trump’s second term will witness a return of the “Remain in Mexico” program as well as re-implementation of the Asylum Cooperative Agreements. His team is also assessing multiple options to end birthright citizenship, and is reviewing the applicability of the Alien Enemies Act of 1798. A crackdown of interior enforcement focusing on immigration raids in Democratic-led cities, is also being speculated.
The Trump administration's immigration policies, especially those tightening pathways for skilled immigrants, will probably have ripple effects on US relations with other nations. The US has always been the land of opportunities and a melting pot for all nationalities. Stricter US immigration policies may push skilled professionals and students from other countries to seek opportunities in countries like Canada, Australia, or the UK. Indian professionals, particularly in IT and STEM fields, dominate H-1B visa allocations, accounting for 75% of holders annually. Stricter qualifications, higher wage thresholds, and an emphasis on prioritizing American workers could create barriers for Indian talent. This shift might encourage Indian tech workers to seek opportunities in countries like Canada or Australia, which have more open immigration policies enhancing the economic competitiveness of these countries and reducing their reliance on US leadership. Restrictions on the Optional Practical Training (OPT) program could also deter future enrolment. Indian students contribute billions in tuition fees annually to U.S. universities hence, a reduction in Indian enrolments could would put a visible financial dent in these institutions.
Even apart from India, these alienating immigration policies will have an adverse effect on economies of countries, particularly those reliant on remittances from their diaspora in the US. Countries like the Philippines and Vietnam which contribute significantly to the US healthcare and service sectors, might face economic challenges if stricter immigration policies lead to fewer opportunities for their nationals. If US immigration policies alienate the Indo-Pacific states, China could capitalize on these opportunities by offering economic and educational incentives, strengthening its influence in the region.
America’s traditional role as a hub for international education, has always been a source of its soft power, strengthening its cultural ties and influence with different countries particularly in the South and South-east Asian region. Restrictions on student visas or work permits could erode this advantage, weakening its ability to project soft power and maintain goodwill. India might take this opportunity as a critical Indo-Pacific partner, and seek stronger regional collaborations with ASEAN and other QUAD nations to counterbalance any perceived reduction in US engagement due to restrictive immigration policies. This shift could lead to a more independent regional architecture, reducing US centrality in Indo-Pacific affairs. On the flip side, this could be a great opportunity for China to enhance its influence in the region which again implores active Indian action and bonds in the region.
Given America’s concerns about China's growing influence, maintaining a robust partnership with India is also essential for its interest of regional stability and counterbalancing China's economic and military expansion. Despite potential immigration challenges, Trump's pro-business stance and emphasis on India-US trade relations could strengthen economic ties, especially in technology, defence, and sustainable development sectors. The large Indian diaspora community in the US as well as the sturdy relationship between Prime Minister Modi and President Trump will hopefully help find a middle ground that benefits the interests of both nations.
Trade and Tariff
*Aditya Gulati
With Donald Trump’s return for a second presidential term, it is imperative to analyze what Trump 2.0 could mean for India-US trade relations. Trump 1.0 was marked by a mix of opportunities and challenges as it saw tariff disputes with growing partnerships in some sectors. As he returns to the White House, India must navigate carefully to capitalize on potential synergies while minimizing friction.
In his first term, a hallmark of Trump’s trade policy was his advocacy for “America first” rhetoric. Tariffs was seen as the easiest tool to address trade imbalances. In 2018, citing national security concerns, the US imposed 25% tariffs on Indian steel. Trump also, sarcastically, has referred to India as a “tariff king”. India was also made to reduce the tariff on Harley-Davidson motorcycles by 50%. In 2019, India was also revoked from preferential trade status under Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) which affected $6.3 billion worth of Indian exports. However, there were also collaborations during his first term. One of the most significant areas was energy. Under Trump’s agenda of “Energy Dominance”, the US became one of the major exporters of crude oil and liquified natural gas (LNG). India, taking advantage of competitive prices, emerged as one of the top buyers. By importing energy from the US, India tried to reduce its reliance on traditional suppliers, i.e. Iran and the Gulf countries, aligning itself more closely to Washington’s geopolitical goals.
During the Trump era, US-China relations deteriorated significantly and led to the exponential rise of trade wars and growing tensions over issues of Taiwan and the South China Sea. The re-inauguration of Trump might again lead to the tussle between the two great economies. While the US would try to decouple its economy from China, India could potentially gain leverage from this situation. It could capitalize on the issue by positioning itself as a reliable alternative. However, it is needed to be done while also carefully navigating to protect its own best interests. Despite the challenges, China is still the largest exporter of goods to India and, therefore, India needs to strike a balance in leveraging the geopolitical context to attract US companies, while simultaneously maintaining its own economic interests.
In conclusion, Donald Trump’s return as the President posits both challenges and opportunities for US-India Trade relations. To navigate Trump 2.0, India must address the issue of trade disputes with urgency, so that tariffs shouldn’t be used as an easy way around. Further, as India is becoming an emerging market for clean energy through its various initiatives, including the aim to achieve 500GW of electric capacity from non fossil sources by 2030, it could strike a deal to attract large investments in this sector. Finally, it has to carefully manage its strategic autonomy by balancing both China and the Trump-led USA. By addressing past issues proactively and leveraging future opportunities, India can ensure that the Trump 2.0 presidency strengthens the relationship between the two giants.
Trade Dilemma
*Rohit Kumar Paswan
As the second term of the Trump presidency commences, it is imperative to assess its impact on India-US trade relations and what India can do about it. The Trump 2.0 administration can have adverse effects for Indian exports to the US. As seen in the Trump 1.0, India lost its generalized system of preferential status, a system in which developed countries provide advantageous or “preferential” tariff treatment to imports from developing countries. As the US had imposed counter tariffs on certain goods coming from India, the same can be expected this time too.
India has to be ready to fine-tune its tariffs policy for the goods and services that it imports from the US to do business with the upcoming Trump administration. As Trump is a business man, prioritizing “Make America Great Again” there is a very high possibility of him advancing national economic growth. His agenda can include reducing the USA's trade deficit, protecting the domestic market from foreign imports, and reducing the competition to promote domestic good production. Therefore, there is a possibility of Trump pressuring India to cut tariffs on US imports and imposing higher tariffs on goods from India, especially in sectors such as automobiles, textiles, pharmaceuticals, and wines which could make the Indian goods less competitive in the US market.
India can play the role of a pivotal partner for the US and be an alternative to Chinese exporting hub that will increase India’s position as a strategic partner. If the US reduces its import dependence on China and Taiwan, it can instead turn to India to secure supplies in some critical sectors such as semiconductors, electronics and minerals and also in sectors such as apparels, pharmaceuticals, automobiles, high-end engineering and chemicals. Thus, India could leverage this opportunity to increase its trade in the above-mentioned sectors and demand lower tariffs from the US and renegotiate a preferential status. If implemented, it could help both India and the US to tame the Chinese dragon. However, India needs to be pragmatic in its approach to China as it is an immediate neighbour. Moreover, a large part of the Indian market also depends on Chinese imports
The trade dilemma that might occur between India and the US can be an amalgamation of continuity and potential changes in the economic, strategic and domestic priorities of both countries. Therefore, India has to consider all possible permutations and combinations of Trump’s thinking and policy approaches in addressing the challenges ahead.
Modi-Trump Personal Chemistry
*Bishwarupa Kar
The swearing-in of the President of the United States is a significant moment not just in American politics but one that also holds relevance for other countries, especially for major powers such as India. As Donald Trump, for the second time, takes on the leadership of the most powerful nation in the world, an interesting angle to explore is the role of the personality factor in shaping bilateral relations between the two countries. In other words, it is important to analyse how the Modi-Trump personal chemistry may impact the larger India-US relations.
During Donald Trump’s previous term, the Modi-Trump closeness was catalysed by the success of events such as “Howdy Modi” in 2019 and “Namaste Trump” in 2020 in which each leader hosted his counterpart. However, this time around, Trump’s swearing-in ceremony that extended an invitation to Chinese Premier Xi Jinping, invited India’s External Affairs Minister, Dr. S. Jaishankar rather than the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, raising a few eyebrows. However, conjectures on fractures in the Modi-Trump connection were put to rest when US Ambassador to India, Eric Garcetti upheld that one-on-one talks between the two leaders define a relationship better than “crowded swearing-in ceremonies”.
Nevertheless, beyond symbolic gestures, the more pertinent question is whether American foreign policy towards India will change with the arrival of Trump. While, with most foreign policies, there is usually more continuity rather than change regardless of the leadership, this is tough to predict in the case of Trump 2.0 owing to the Republican leader’s erratic tendencies as proven in his previous tenure. Although Modi and Trump share close personal ties, Trump’s “America First” slogan that translates into protectionism and withdrawal from multilateral frameworks can be an expected challenge in India-US bilateral relations over the next four years.
To navigate these challenges in bilateral relations, India must rely on forces beyond leadership proximity. Surer bets are areas of convergence between India and the US such as security and power dynamics in the Indo-Pacific, best defined through their joint interest in the QUAD to counter Chinese rise. Besides, India can use Modi-Trump ties to its advantage to negotiate trade issues, which have been persistent thorns in India-US relations ever since Trump nicknamed India the “tariff king” in his first term.
Another underestimated aspect that India would do well to be wary of is the possibility of the Modi-Putin proximity upsetting the Modi-Trump closeness. While India’s foreign policy stance of prioritizing its national interest in the ongoing crisis in Ukraine has been evident over the past couple of years, India might need to pay closer attention to the hermeneutics involved while alluding to Russia during future Modi-Trump talks.
Ultimately, in international relations, structural factors play a bigger role than the personality factor. Matters of trade and security that translate into hard power ‘trump’ gestures of charisma and personal closeness which are instruments of soft power. However, personal ties between leaders can be leveraged by a country to run smoother negotiations and navigate divergences with more flexibility. Thus, India can take advantage of the Modi-Trump proximity beyond its symbolic significance to steer India-US relations under Trump 2.0.
Beyond Modi-Trump Bromance
*Prasangana Paul
Politics, in a nutshell, is transactional, it subsumes power and mutual gains. As the advent of the Trump 2.0 presidency brings forth the well-publicized camaraderie between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Donald Trump often framed by the media as a “bromance,” the leadership chemistry also swings between caution and optimism.
India did well with the Trump 1.0 administration, building on the continuity of strategic convergence in the Indo-Pacific region. However, Trump's highly unpredictable and transactional style also creates uncertainties. The question arises: how should India prepare to handle the disruptive yet opportunity-laden politics of a second Trump term? External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar dismissed concerns of anxiety within Indian policymaking circles, asserting that India remains confident and well-positioned to manage its interests under a Trump presidency. Yet, foreign policy always looks out for self-interest, and while Modi and Trump may exude an enviable leadership chemistry, one must not forget that they, primarily, present the interests of their respective countries. The Trump 2.0 presidency also carries implications for global geopolitics. While the President Trump has maintained his strong opposition to China, he has viewed Vladimir Putin favourably, potentially splitting Moscow and Beijing apart. This fracture could play into India's strategic advantage in terms of creating a schism between China and Russia, and hence undermine any chances of their partnership turning against India.
Defence trade remains a key pillar of Indo-US relations and an area that India particularly wants to exploit in its relationship with Washington.
Bilateral trade in defence has skyrocketed, from as low as $1 billion in 2008 to more than $20 billion by 2023, signifying India's deliberate move toward diversifying defence procurement and reducing its reliance on Russian arms. A case in point is the proposed acquisition of 31 MQ-9B Predator drones by India, from U.S.-based General Atomics. These advanced military acquisitions are going to add more sting to India's surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities of the Indian Ocean Region, considering security concerns coming from enhanced Chinese naval activity going on there. However, diplomatic optics remain a delicate balancing act for India.
Western powers have occasionally flinched over Modi’s close ties with Putin. India’s nuanced approach to diplomacy, however, diverges from the more rigid frameworks of the West. By keeping a good relationship with Russia, India gets its most important energy supplies and military technology, and at the same time, deepens its partnership with the United States. This pragmatic strategy benefits all parties involved, including the US, which benefits from India's ability to settle the rough edges with Russia. As Trump returns to power, both opportunities and challenges await India. The Modi-Trump chemistry will, no doubt, provide a strong foundation for bilateral ties, but India must watch out for Trump's transactional nature. Strengthening defence and economic ties, building upon shared interests against China, and protecting its sovereignty in global diplomacy are some of the issues the road ahead awaits India to face.
Climate Commitments
*Shaoni Guha Mazumder
Donald Trump’s return to power as the 47th President of the United States will have far-reaching implications for global politics, particularly climate policy, as was the case during his first term as the US President. Climate policy under his administration would likely revert to a focus on deregulation, fossil fuel expansion, and withdrawal from global climate agreements. Trump’s first term saw the US withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, efforts to roll back environmental regulations, and a general push to prioritize economic growth over environmental protections. These tendencies are expected to continue in a second term, which could jeopardize international efforts to address climate change. Stated differently, Trump's “drill, baby, drill” climate agenda may undo all of the climate measures that have been undertaken so far by the Biden administration.
During the Biden era, several constructive commitments were made relating to climate and the environment. On February 19, 2021, the Biden administration reversed the Trump government's withdrawal from the Paris Agreement. Furthermore, the Inflation Reduction Act (2022) was introduced to offer tax incentives and subsidies of hundreds of millions of dollars for sustainable energy. However, all of these changes will be undone under Trump 2.0, as he has indicated plans to revoke all IRA money that has not yet been used and has passed an executive order to withdraw the US from the Paris Agreement once again.
Thus, the United States' withdrawal from global climate agreements may leave a void in global climate leadership in the years to come. In this situation, nations like India need to step up and fill the vacuum created by the shifts in US climate policy. Climate change has been a crucial issue for countries of the Global South, which struggle to advance economically while making sustained efforts to conserve the environment. India can leverage the evolving situation as an opportunity to become the voice for the Global South and help developing nations with climate change by making investments in renewable energy, and regional energy infrastructure, and promoting collaboration with other nations. India may also make an effort to persuade the US to take a more active stance on climate change. Given the recent devastating wildfires in Los Angeles and the growing national conversation on climate change, Trump may agree to make some beneficial adjustments to his climate policy to maintain public support. Under such circumstances, nations like India ought to step up and make an agreement that will help ease environmental problems around the world.
*The Authors are currently Research Interns at the Kalinga Institute of Indo-Pacific Studies (KIIPS).
About the Authors:
· Shreya Das, MA International Relations, South Asian University, New Delhi
· Archana Paswan, PhD Candidate, Department of Political Science, Ranchi University, Ranchi.
· Adrien Benito, MA Asian Studies, Geneva University, Geneva
· Soulina Dey, MA Political Science with International Relations, Department of International Relations, Jadavpur University
· Aditya Gulati, MA Diplomacy, Law and Business, OP Jindal Global University
· Rohit Kumar Paswan, MA Politics and International Relations, Department of Politics and International Studies, Pondicherry University.
· Biswarupa Kar, MA Political Science, Department of Politics and International Studies, Pondicherry University
· Prasangana Paul, MA Political Science with International Relations, Jadavpur University
· Shaoni Guha Mazumder, PhD Candidate, Department of Political Science, Dibrugarh University
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